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Massachusetts Same-Sex
Marriage Rights in Danger

By Joe Auciello  / May 2007 issue of Socialist Action newspaper

 

 

BOSTON—In Massachusetts the law that established the right of same-sex marriage is in peril. This law resulted from a Mass. Supreme Judicial Court decision and has been in effect since 2004. Since then, more than 8000 couples have married, but the court’s ruling remains highly controversial.

 

The drive to place a referendum question on the 2008 ballot that would allow for the overturn of the same-sex marriage law has continued to advance, overcoming legal and legislative obstacles. Opponents of same-sex marriage gathered more than 170,000 signatures in December 2005 as the first step to erase the Supreme Judicial Court decision.

 

Before a referendum can be placed on the ballot in Massachusetts, 25% of the 200 representatives must vote in favor of the amendment in two consecutive sessions of the state legislature.

 

In July and November 2006, the legislature adjourned without considering the anti-gay marriage petition. This tactic was intended to deflect the referendum question and preserve the same-sex marriage law. Yet, two months later, the legislature took its first vote, with 62 representatives in favor.

 

A public outcry from conservatives and liberals, united in the claim that the people’s rights were being ignored, forced the legislators to confront the issue they had hoped to side-step. The new leader of the state Senate has promised lawmakers the all-important second opportunity for a vote on the amendment in May. The decision by Senate President Theresa Murray, a supporter of same-sex marriages, to schedule a vote in the upcoming constitutional convention ultimately threatens the legal status of these marriages.

 

Considering how similar referenda have fared throughout the nation in recent years, the prospects for an outcome of a referendum in Massachusetts that favors the rights of gays and lesbians are not encouraging. In every state in the country where there has been a vote on same-sex marriage, the majority has voted against it. Most recently, in Wisconsin last November, a referendum to define marriage as a union between a man and a woman was passed by 59 percent of the voters.

 

A March 2007 Newsweek poll showed that a majority of Americans oppose gay marriage. None of the leading Democratic candidates support equal marriage rights for gays and lesbians; some, like John Edwards and Barack Obama, oppose same-sex marriage.

 

Yet, there are positive signs nationally. The same Newsweek poll revealed a majority supported the presence of gays in the military (in opposition to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who said that homosexuality is  "immoral") and opposed President Bush’s drive for a constitutional ban on gay marriage.

 

In April, Washington state made civil unions legal, an important though partial reform. (Civil unions are also legal in New Jersey, Connecticut, and Vermont). Currently, Massachusetts is the only state in the U.S. that allows same-sex marriage.

 

Advocates of gay rights and same-sex marriage in Massachusetts have pursued a strategy of selective lobbying to deny a vote on the referendum. Yet, this strategy has failed. Step by step, the gay-rights movement in Massachusetts has been losing ground.

 

The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, since its 4-3 decision in 2003, has been in steady retreat. In March 2006 this court upheld the use of a 1913 law to forbid out-of-state gay couples from marrying in the state. (The law was originally intended to prevent the marriage of interracial couples). Four months later, the court unanimously ruled that a proposed constitutional amendment to forbid gay marriage could proceed to the legislature for their vote.

 

The court was not compelled to reach this conclusion—quite the contrary. The state constitution prohibits referendum questions that would reverse a judicial decision. In a bizarre twist of logic, the court decided that the proposed amendment to ban gay marriage would not reverse their 2003 decision but, if approved, would instead establish a new law—a law to ban gay marriage!

 

Finally, in December 2006, the Supreme Judicial Court ruled that Mass. legislators were duty-bound to vote on the proposed amendment to prohibit same-sex marriage.  Although the court did not have the authority to force such a vote, their unanimous decision was a clear-cut setback for gay-rights advocates.

 

Under this pressure, liberal politicians began to buckle. The strategy of parliamentary maneuvers by the legislature to avoid a vote was no longer tenable.

 

In response to the court ruling, the co-chairwoman of the Massachusetts Gay and Lesbian Political Caucus, Arline Isaacson, said, "We know that if the legislature votes on the amendment, we will lose this year and next year, and  it will go to the ballot, where it will likely pass" (Boston Globe, Dec. 28, 2006).

 

When, in fact, legislators did vote and gay-rights supporters did lose, Ms. Isaacson responded, "Our goal is to win this one on the merits of the issue…. We would love to defeat this mean-spirited amendment by denying them the 50 votes they need, and we are working very hard to do just that" (Boston Globe, March 23, 2007).

 

Yet, the real question is whether this goal can be achieved by no more than the hard work of lobbying legislators who are caving in to the right wing—that is, to the only forces who have been "acting up" loudly and publicly.

 

What has been lacking all along is a strategy to mobilize gay-rights activists and their supporters in defense of same-sex marriage. The gay-rights demonstrations of the 1970s and 1980s brought out tens of thousands and, in some cities, hundreds of thousands. The same possibility exists today and is just as urgently needed.

 

The strategy of lobbying is relatively weak unless there is a force behind it, a force that is united, visible, and strong.   The strategy for mass action would consolidate the base of gay rights advocates, would give heart to the waverers and undecided, and would win new support among a public that would get an opportunity to hear gay-rights proponents.

 

People have rights to the sexual life of their choice and to equality in marriage. A political struggle can educate, inspire, and mobilize around such a demand. Without such an approach, gay rights are in danger. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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