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Report on
the Ontario NDP convention
by Sean Cain
More than 600 delegates converged on Hamilton, Canada’s steel town 45 minutes
west of Toronto, for the Ontario New Democratic Party’s (ONDP) 22nd
convention, held Nov. 19-21.
North America’s only major labour-based political party was founded in 1961
as a successor to the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). Although the
NDP has rebounded from decades of decline over the past five years, it
holds only 19 seats in the federal Parliament and eight in the Ontario
legislature.
Ontario party leader Howard Hampton ran on a platform of “public power”
during the fall 2003 Ontario election, centred on preserving the public
hydro corporation. He urged re-investment in health care, education, and
housing but called for only a small rise in the minimum wage and a modest
hike in taxation on the wealthy.
Federal NDP leader Jack Layton has taken a strong stance against the U.S.
war in Iraq, but has yet to connect with many working Canadians due to the
lack of an economic program that seriously challenges the neoliberal
agenda, let alone the rule of capital.
This brings us to the NDP’s Socialist Caucus (SC), a left-wing,
anti-capitalist tendency inside the party, formed in 1998 to turn the party
to the left and a return to its socialist roots. Although relatively small
in active members, the SC has played an important role at conventions in
submitting resolutions, fighting for greater internal democracy, and
challenging the party establishment at executive elections. This convention
was no different.
The party’s Constitution Committee brought forth amendments that would
seriously hinder grassroots participation and leadership accountability
within the ONDP. The Committee favours appointment of the NDP provincial
secretary by the Executive, instead of by election at convention. They want
to decrease the number of Provincial Council meetings each year (from four
to two), and permit the Ontario leader to send a designate to Executive
meetings, thus further reducing accountability and contact.
The most egregious amendment called for altering the system whereby
convention delegates elect the party leader to a process where big money
and the corporate media would play a much larger role in recruiting
uneducated voters to participate in a ‘one member, one vote’ election
exercise.
SC delegates argued forcefully and helped to galvanize opposition to the
amendments. The proposed reduction in the number of party council meetings
was strongly rejected by delegates. But the amendments creating a new
method for electing the leader, and for having the provincial secretary
appointed instead of being elected, did pass.
However, due to enormous pressure mounted during floor debate—in which SC
supporters played an important role—the party establishment, fearing
defeat, altered their original motion to make the appointment of secretary
subject to ratification by the Provincial Council.
The SC also brought to the convention 21 resolutions on a variety of
topics, including calls for social ownership and workers’ control of key
industries, greater leadership accountability within the party, fair and
democratic international trade, solidarity with Cuba, major re-investment
in housing and health care, and the elimination of university tuition fees.
Only two of the SC resolutions actually made it to the convention floor for
discussion, but they were adopted: one demanding greater food security, the
other for government construction of social housing and the
re-establishment of rent control in Ontario. Scandalously, less than 35
percent of convention time was allocated for debate on resolutions, and the
Resolutions Committee (selected by the party’s establishment) prevented
most of the SC resolutions from even being placed on the resolutions
priority list. It is unclear how these motions would have been dealt with
by the party if debated and passed by convention.
The SC also ran nine candidates for ONDP Executive, offering delegates a
left-wing choice in contrast to the “official” slate fielded by the party
establishment. SC contenders won between 5 percent and 31 percent of votes
cast.
Only one SC supporter, Bonnie Briggs, made it to Executive as a
representative of the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Trans-gender Committee of the
ONDP.
Twenty-year-old Hamiltonian Kim Crawley, attending her first NDP
convention, came closest to winning an Executive spot when she attained
almost a third of the total vote in the Member-at-Large election.
If not for the SC slate, several executive positions, including those of
president, vice-presidents, and secretary, would have been acclaimed—a
rather embarrassing situation for a party that prides itself on democracy
and participation.
The SC distributed more than 600 copies of its eight-page tabloid, Turn
Left. Featuring articles on the present Liberal government of Ontario, on
the issue of homelessness, Middle East policy, and the origins and future
plans of the SC, Turn Left was well received. Delegates and friends
contributed over $600, at SC meetings held during convention breaks,
towards the paper and other expenses.
Three SC open forums, which attracted 35 to 75 people each, featured guest
speakers: John Clarke, Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) organizer
who spoke about homelessness and poverty in Liberal Ontario, as well as
tactics and strategy for anti-poverty activists; Tarek Fatah, co-founder of
the Muslim Canadian Congress and popular cable TV show host who spoke about
Palestinian self-determination and the NDP’s retreat on Middle East policy;
and Peter Kormos, left-wing NDP member of the Ontario legislature, who
spoke about the need for militant opposition to the neoliberal policies of
the current government of Ontario.
Over 40 party members signed up to join the Socialist Caucus at convention,
including four new members added to the SC Ontario steering committee.
These positive developments were a contrast to the setbacks to party
democracy and the iron grip exercised by the establishment’s “official
slate”. As SC Steering Committee Member Barry Weisleder stated after
convention, “It was a classic case of one step forward, one step back.”
Still, the actions of the Socialist Caucus illustrated that gains can be
made, and losses contained. The SC is committed to the year-round struggle
for justice—from antiwar actions, to squats for the homeless, to rallies
against cutbacks and struggles for union democracy.
Neoliberals take note: The fight for a Workers’ Agenda, and for a more
democratic and socialist New Democratic Party in Ontario and across the
country, has just begun.
*This
article first appeared in the December 2004 issue of Socialist Action
newspaper.
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