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New unity
gov’t undermines seige
of Palestinian Authority
By Gerry Foley / April 2007 issue of Socialist Action
Newspaper
There is movement in the tug of war between the
Palestinian Authority government and the Zionist state’s imperialist big
brothers, although not between the PA and Israel itself.
The formation of a Palestinian unity government,
brokered by Saudi Arabia, in negotiations in Mecca, has induced the
imperialists to relax their boycott of the PA to the extent that they are
now willing to negotiate with the ministers in the new government who do
not belong to the Islamist party Hamas and to
suggest that they may be prepared to offer financial aid to the Palestinian
Authority.
Hamas is
insisting that the imperialists must negotiate with the PA government as a
whole, but so far contacts have been only with non-Hamas
ministers. The new council of ministers includes 10 Hamas
representatives, six Fatah representatives, and
four allegedly independent technocrats.
The Arab news service al-Jazeera
reported March 21: "The EU [European Union] and UN contacts followed a
meeting on Tuesday between a senior U.S. diplomat and Fayyad [The PA
finance minister], an independent with close ties to the White House and Mahmoud Abbas, the
Palestinian president and Fatah leader.
"By holding the talks the U.S. broke ranks with Israel, which has called on other countries
to disregard all members of the Palestinian unity cabinet established on
Saturday between Fatah and Hamas,
an Islamist party that does not formally recognize Israel.
"The meetings marked the re-establishment of
limited engagement between the Palestinian government and the Quartet of
Middle East mediators—the United States,
the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia."
Al-Jazeera’s analyst Marwan Bishara commented:
"For all practical reasons, the wall of sanctions is crumbling down
because three of the Quartet members—Russia, the EU, and the UN—have
shown all sorts of positive signs toward the new [Palestinian]
government."
The Israeli government wants to maintain the diplomatic
and financial boycott of the PA because, it alleges, the document on which
the unity government is based does not recognize Israel,
renounce violence, or reiterate acceptance of the Oslo peace-treaty agreements. The
Zionists also complain that the document recognizes the right of resistance
and the right of Palestinians to return to the areas from which they were
driven out.
Obviously, the document is a compromise between Hamas—whose political support depends to a large extent
on its declared intransigent opposition to Zionism—and al-Fatah, which in its acceptance of the Oslo agreements took a conciliatory
attitude to the Zionist establishment. The Zionist press has commented that
Israel
faces a certain diplomatic isolation in the wake of the establishment of
the unity government.
Basically, the Palestinian position is strengthened by
the prospect of an end to the war between Fatah
and Hamas, which was an unprecedented boon for
the Zionists. It is the cessation of this conflict that is the fundamental
condition for improving the bargaining position of representatives of the
Palestinian people. Unfortunately, it remains unclear whether the political
leaderships of the two organizations can effectively turn off the fighting.
Reuters reported March 23: "A Palestinian child was
killed by gunfire in Gaza
on Thursday, medical officials said, as Fatah and
Hamas fighters clashed in a second straight day
of factional violence since the formation of a unity government.
"Medical officials said the two-year-old boy was
killed and a female relative was wounded by gunfire as Hamas
and Fatah gunmen clashed in northern Gaza.
"Palestinians hoped a unity government formed on
Saturday between Hamas Islamists and Abbas's secular Fatah faction
would end the fighting. But clashes broke out on Wednesday and spread after
a series of abductions."
After the prolonged and bloody clashes between the two
groups, many of whose activists have been made desperate by the ruthless
siege the Zionists have imposed on the Palestinian territories, it is
obviously going to be difficult to assuage the conflict.
Israel does
not want to relax the siege on the PA because that precisely is what is
fueling the conflict between the Palestinian factions. The basic goad is
the inability of the Palestinian Authority to pay the salaries of the PA
employees. These are one of the few sources of income in the territories.
So, the entire population suffers from their absence.
But also most of the PA employees are Fatah members or supporters, and the cutting off of
funds to the PA by Israel
and its imperialist allies has been justified by Hamas’s
control of the PA legislature and council of ministers. The conflict
between the two factions has been institutionalized by the division of the
government. Fatah continues to control the
presidency and the security services dependent on it. Hamas
has formed its own security force.
In the context of renewed negotiations between the
imperialist powers and the PA, the project of a regional summit sponsored
by Saudi Arabia
has resurfaced. The negotiations are supposed to be on the basis of the
Saudi peace plan, which the Israelis rejected in the past because it called
for them to turn over all the territories conquered in 1967—including East
Jerusalem—to the PA and to permit the return of at least considerable
numbers of Palestinian refugees to their original homes.
The Israeli government now says that it thinks a
Saudi-sponsored summit could be useful because the Saudis say that they are
ready to modify the terms of their proposal. The Saudis have not yet said
what modifications they are prepared to make. But the Israeli rulers
undoubtedly expect them to put pressure on the Palestinians to capitulate
on some important principles.
Thus, while the new diplomatic climate can lead to the
relaxation to some extent of the immediate material pressures on the
Palestinian people, it also involves the dangers of new betrayals at the
hands of their bourgeois leaders and the reactionary Arab regimes.
In any case, the extent of the material deprivation of
the Palestinian people has reached such a level that it has became a
growing international scandal and thus difficult for the imperialists to
sustain. It is urgent in this new situation that the Palestinian fighters
overcome their divisions and find new and more effective strategies for
winning the rights of the Palestinian people.
There does seem to have been a political advance, in the
sense that the perspective of a solution involving a rump Palestinian state
existing under the shadow of Israel has been largely
discredited. The way seems to be opening, therefore, for a revival of the
revolutionary perspective of a single united, democratic Palestine, in which the conflict between
the Jewish settler-state and the Palestinian people can be removed.
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