Socialist Action /December 1999
Teamsters Notebook
TDU Convention Attracts Militants
By CHARLES WALKER
Contingents of brewery workers, flight attendants, and meat-packing workers
inspired and animated the 400 delegates and guests attending the Teamsters
for a Democratic Union's 24th Convention last month. The workers addressed
the meeting's main sessions, as well as workshops.
Their message was as similar as their daily jobs are different: Teamsters
President James P. Hoffa is running a public relations scam. Hoffa is claiming
historic victories over the bosses, while he is pushing workers into accepting
weak or concessionary contracts. Focused on putting tough issues "to
bed," the Hoffa administration is providing no fight-back leadership,
and is denouncing local union officials and rank-an-file militants who don't
want to give up.
Teamster meat packers are suing Hoffa to get back control of their local
union. Hoffa took it over just days after a 30-day strike ended against
IPB, a national meat processor. The flight attendants want to take strike
action against Northwestern Airlines during the upcoming holiday period,
after decisively turning back Hoffa's heavy-handed lobbying of them to accept
a contract that didn't reflect the workers' bargaining power.
And Budweiser brewery workers are building a company-wide e-mail network,
considering public mock trials of Hoffa, and picketing the IBT's Washington
headquarters. Since the convention, Florida Budweiser workers have put up
informational picket lines in front of the brewery.
Coming out of the convention, TDU is kicking off a national rank-and-file
campaign to halt UPS from subcontracting long-haul trucking, known as feeder
work. For months, UPS has bypassed the contract, increasingly shipping packages
with non-union carriers.
The loss of their work has stirred up the feeder drivers who will be
asked to join in a petition campaign demanding that Hoffa take action to
end the sub-contracting. There is no direct connection with the loss of
feeder work, but it should be mentioned that in mid-November Hoffa-backed
incumbents at a huge Los Angeles UPS local union lost their reelection bid
to a full slate of oppositionists, led by a rank-and-file UPS worker.
Tom Leedham, who headed the reform slate's 1998 ticket, was the featured
speaker at one of the main sessions. The Cleveland Plain Dealer wrote that
Leedham's message was that "Hoffa has resurrected the philosophy of
the union's so-called old-guard officials: "Talk tough, settle short,
and declare victory."
Leedham mixed easily with the delegates, addressing workshops and having
low-key one-on-one discussions. At this point, Leedham remains the reformers'
choice to oppose Hoffa in the union's 2001 elections.
The convention began the group's preparation for the IBT's general elections
and the important local union elections to IBT's 2001 Convention, where
the nominations for the union's top posts will take place. TDU hopes to
contend for hundreds of delegate slots.
Well-attended workshop classes were presented on how to run and win.
A policy statement was adopted that provided, "We will reach out to
draw in those Teamsters who may have voted differently from us in the last
IBT election, or not voted at all, but who share our desire for a strong
democratic union."
The delegates also called for an "impartially supervised election
with democratic rules," and pledged to "counter attempts to undermine
that process." In effect, that means that TDU continues to seek federal
supervision of the union's election, despite the Fed's assertion of its
right to prevent the ranks from voting for the candidates of its choice,
as when the election overseers removed Teamsters President Ron Carey from
the 1998 ballot.
On the final day, a last-minute resolution from the floor called for
a "TDU campaign to end the federal government's oversight of the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters." A single opposing speaker argued that without
federal oversight the ranks would immediately lose their right to directly
elect convention delegates under a "snapback" provision in the
union's constitution, and that Hoffa would be the main beneficiary. A hand
vote showed that an estimated 15-20 percent of those voting supported the
resolution.
The convention will be a disappointment to anyone who thought or hoped
that TDU would collapse following Hoffa's election. Not only was the meeting
as large as last year's, the attendees donated over $40,000. More significantly,
for nearly 20 percent of the participants it was their first TDU Convention.
Hoffa Attacks Carey
The Philadelphia Daily News (Nov. 16) reported: "A squad of Hoffa's
agents arrived at 5:30 a.m. at the union headquarters," and Secretary-Treasurer
John Morris, "the feisty 73-year-old leader who opposed International
President James Hoffa's election last year, was removed from office."
"Working quickly," the paper said, "the agents gained
entry to the offices and immediately changed the locks. They posted on the
door a five-and-a-half-page notice signed by Hoffa that announced that Local
115 had been placed into trusteeship.
"Morris, one of 12 children whose family's labor roots date back
more than a century to the coal country's Molly Maguires, was deposed ...
because of a 'pattern of erratic behavior,' Hoffa said."
"In the trusteeship papers Hoffa accused Morris of ordering local
union funds to be used to purchase two shotguns, 20 stun guns, and a supply
of pepper spray. Morris is known to carry a handgun at the local's offices
for which he does not have a permit. These purchases were in preparation
for what Morris describes as the 'war.' He has caused Local 115 to convert
the offices of former local 513 ... into a barracks with sleeping quarters
for approximately 30, a fully equipped kitchen, and a mess hall to accommodate
160 at one time.
"At his direction, Local 115 has purchased uniforms for over 100
members, purchased combat fatigues, boots, socks, gloves and hats .... Morris
has caused the local to purchase four additional cars and two campers to
be used when the 'war comes.'"
Morris, noted the Philadelphia Inquirer (Nov. 16), "has been at
the head of numerous picket lines and political rallies over the years.
His reputation for hard-nosed tactics has been balanced by an aura of incorruptibility."
Morris said, the paper wrote, "that rather than preparing for a
war, he was trying to protect his people. Without confirming each purchase,
Morris said he bought equipment to help workers who must picket in bitter
weather or in emergency conditions.
"The pepper spray was for women on the picket line who are endangered,
he said, and the shotguns were bought after someone shot the local's dog.
... He said that showers were installed in the basement and other changes
made for members to use during strikes."
Reportedly, dozens of members on the night of the takeover protested
Hoffa's action, demanded that he return the local, and claimed that "Hoffa
is the mob."
Morris said, "We're going to meet with our lawyers. We're going
to look at their charges. And we're going to sue. I plan to defend our integrity
and our reputation. If it takes me the rest of my life that's what I'm going
to do."
However, on Nov. 18, Morris lost his bid to have a judge issue an emergency
order reinstating him and ousting Hoffa's trustee. Now Morris must wait
until Dec. 15 for a hearing on a federal lawsuit he filed challenging Hoffa.
Hoffa also alleged that Morris "caused his daughter Nancy to be
hired as a clerical employee of the legal fund, removed two officers of
the local, and caused members to be fired" because they or their relatives
"were suspected of unspecified disloyal acts against Morris."
He charged that Morris assaulted several people (including his own daughter),
and alleged that there is an "atmosphere of fear among the members
preventing them from exercising their rights."
Hoffa's press releases rightly point out that Morris collected $184,
423.50 in multiple union salaries in 1998 ( $86,284 from Local 115 and the
rest from the IBT and Joint Council 53.) Hoffa seems to be implying that
he opposes the practice of high salaries and multiple ones as well. However,
nothing could be further from the truth.
Four of Hoffa's supporters are the union's highest money-makers, including
the notorious Frank Wsol at $292,454. Hoffa successfully fought at the union's
1996 convention to regain Wsol's return to the union, after Ron Carey ousted
him for ganging up with UPS against a fired worker.
In 1991, Morris was the only candidate elected to the IBT's Executive
Board not on the Carey Slate. Nevertheless, Morris backed Carey on all major
issues, including national strikes and reducing the bureaucracy's privileges
and power over the ranks.
Morris didn't support Leedham in 1998, but never joined the hundreds
of officials who have opportunistically moved to Hoffa's side.
On a Sunday in mid-November, several thousand workers rallied in the
California Salinas Valley town of King City to support 750 striking Teamsters
at Basic Vegetable, the world's largest processor of dehydrated onions
and garlic.
Basic Vegetable forced the strike when it demanded that a new contract
allow them to cut daily hours, and contract out some year-round jobs. Since
then, the bosses have also demanded that new hires permanently be paid $3
an hour less than the other workers, and that they self-pay $180 a month
for medical coverage. Further, they propose that the workers exchange their
Teamsters pension plan for a substandard company plan.
The bosses said that they needed the concessions in order to meet the
competition. Having already closed three plants, they threatened that the
King City plant could close, too. At the start, the bosses hired scabs and
soon after announced that the striking workers had been permanently replaced.
Out since July 7, the strikers see no end in sight. It's clear that the
strikers need all the help and solidarity they can muster. But as important
as Solidarity Days and cash and food donations are, they rarely tip the
scales in strikers' favor-scabs or no scabs. That especially seems to be
the case when the union's central strategic premise is to wage a relatively
passive "war of attrition," simply hoping to hold out one day
more than the bosses.
Certainly that's true in the four-year strike and lockout of the Detroit
newspaper workers. The exceptions, such as the 18-month-long 1985-86 Watsonville
cannery strike, are far too few to offset the losses that union leaderships
have used to urge workers to forgo strikes and to give concessions.
If the strikers expected that the rally's speakers would propose a different
course than the one followed since July, they were disappointed. Politicians
spoke of their failed attempts to get the Basic Vegetable bosses to listen
to reason. Labor officials brought words of encouragement and promises to
stick by the strikers until they win.
The day after the rally, the strikers once again dealt as best they could
with the scabs. And tens of thousands of Teamsters within a 50-mile radius
of the picket lines returned to their jobs- some speeding past the freeway
exits for King City.
Of course, if bosses knew that trucks might not roll, that stores might
not be restocked, that trash might not get hauled , simply because Teamster
strike strategy was based on the premise that an injury to one is an injury
to all, then (who knows?) the Basic Vegetable workers too might have been
back on the job, unless their brothers and sisters down the road needed
their solidarity.
Hundreds, if not thousands, of active and retired Teamsters nationally
are walking picket lines at Overnite Co. terminals and following Overnite
trucks, discouraging shippers from using the nation's largest carrier of
consolidated cargo without a union contract.
While the daily press mostly ignores the strike, the internet provides
evidence that Teamster volunteers are getting the bosses' attention with
stories of Teamsters from down the block who show up drinking coffee in
front of driveways, and gray-haired old men who aren't shy about telling
customers what to do with their holiday business.
As the strike enters its sixth week, both sides are claiming that it
will outlast the other. Overnite is a subsidiary of Union Pacific, a railroad
giant with deep pockets and extensive political clout.
The Teamsters won the support of rail unions who pledged to strike should
Overnite transfer its cargo to trains. To date, there have been no reports
of rail shutdowns related to the strike.
The Teamsters claim to represent approximately 45 percent of the firm's
8000 drivers and dock workers at 37 Overnite terminals, including the five
largest. The union has said it will picket all 166 Overnite sites.
Recently, the AFL-CIO announced it will donate $100,000 to the strike,
while the Hotel Employees & Restaurant Employees donated $25,000. Hoffa
announced that the union will pay the strikers (not the volunteers) $100
a week.
The Teamsters have filed notices with the National Labor Relations Board
of more than a thousand violations of labor law by Overnite .
In a sworn statement, a former Overnite manager charged that the company
had compiled "hit lists" of workers who supported the union, and
had a hidden operation that unlawfully targeted and illegally fired hundreds
of union supporters for infractions fabricated by the company. The manager
told union officials, "After being responsible for firing more than
40 union supporters, I had a change of heart. I came forward because I was
upset at how Overnite is treating employees."
Teamsters President James P. Hoffa says, "This strike is the bitter
fruit of Overnite's unrepentant and unrelenting violation of the laws that
protect America's working families. ... All Americans should rise up in
indignation at the unmerciful conduct of this rough labor law scofflaw."
Socialist Action /December 1999 |