Socialist Action /November 2002
NY Transit Workers in Historic Contract
Battle
By LEO SCHWARTZ
NEW YORK-Transit workers here are gearing up for a contract battle that
will pit 35,000 subway and bus workers of the Transport Workers Union (TWU)
Local 100 against the financial elite of the world. The contract deadline
is Dec. 15, 2002. It's either fight to win or be dealt a terrible blow.
Already, transit workers have mobilized in huge numbers. The largest
action was a rally and march of some 15,000 transit workers on Oct. 30 at
the MTA headquarters in midtown Manhattan. The union displayed a 30-foot
snarling inflatable rat nicknamed "Ralph," who symbolizes transit's
hated discipline policy.
The huge crowd then marched to Gov. George Pataki's office several blocks
away, chanting, "MTA, find a way!" and "We are the union,
the mighty, mighty union. The people's union, the kick-ass union!"
But in an opening salvo in the class battle to come, police revoked the
union's parade permit to march in front of the governor's office.
New York's transit workers have struck twice in the past. The first was
in 1966, led by Local 100's legendary founder, Mike Quill. The strike was
so successful that politicians-Republicans and Democrats-soon passed the
anti-labor Taylor Law, which fines public workers two-days pay for each
day of a strike or job action.
Local 100 struck again in 1980. The strike was sold out but nevertheless
won real gains despite Taylor Law penalties. Since then contracts have contained
ever more concessions. Wage levels lag behind private industry and other
public transit workers in the region.
The struggle around the last contract, agreed to on Dec. 15, 1999, was
overshadowed by the onslaught of the entire capitalist class against Local
100. Former Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and the MTA levied two unconstitutional
injunctions on the union and its members, which included huge fines for
striking or even talking about a strike.
The contract won mediocre pay raises of 5%, 3%, and 4% but also included
the racist, union-busting Work Experience Program ("workfare"),
which exploits the free labor of welfare recipients, and concessions such
as "broadbanding," which destroys seniority rights.
Another major issue is the Health Benefit Trust (HBT), which was deliberately
underfunded in the current contract. Symptomatic of the health care crisis
for working people, the HBT will be in the red by December. The health of
transit workers and their families are being held hostage by the MTA in
an attempt to trade off health benefits for wage increases.
But, right on cue, the MTA, operated by Gov. George Pataki and his political
appointees, are crying that it is billions in debt. So too is New York City's
billionaire Mayor Michael Bloomberg, whose administration has little to
do with the actual operation of the MTA but is directly affected by a strike.
Bloomberg and his fellow Republican Pataki are bewailing a post-9/11
capitalist crisis that, in reality, existed before the 9/11 attack. One
can expect an orgy of flag waving directed against Local 100, particularly
if President Bush's insane war for oil profits in Iraq is launched soon.
Adding to the mix of propaganda is the possibility of a transit fare
increase from $1.50 to $2. Their familiar, cynical game is to convince working-class
riders that gains made by transit workers are to blame for fare box increases
or other forms of new taxes.
What a lie! The true culprit is the lack of proper government funding,
the result of tax breaks for the rich and a permanent war economy. Whatever
is left of tax revenues earmarked for transportation (disproportionately
paid for by workers), the first priority is not public transportation but
paying the MTA's rich bondholders, about 14% of its budget.
In addition, upstate racist politicians deliberately underfund New York's
transit system. NYC riders pay about 60 percent of the cost to ride-much
higher than the national average of 40 percent. As socialists we say let
the rich pay the cost of getting their employees to work. We say let them
use the billions they make off workers to pay for a free transportation
system!
In response, Local 100 has begun a "Save the Fare" campaign
and has distributed many thousands of flyers to passengers.
Another part of the MTA's offensive is a proposed restructuring of the
MTA. "Many millions of dollars will be saved when it is fully implemented,"
said MTA Chairman Peter S. Kalikow.
The MTA said the scheme could free up money for the health benefits fund
by implementing "a dramatic change" in workforce size. The plan
is similar to a "regional bus" system long opposed by Local 100
as "downsizing." The MTA set the beginning date of Dec. 31, 2002,
timed to add pressure on the union.
The MTA fears a confrontation with the newly awakened Local 100 membership.
In December 2000 the old guard of Local 100, represented by former President
Willie James, was booted out in a local-wide election by a fed-up membership.
The reform movement known as New Directions took over, with Roger Toussaint
as president. New Directions promised to deliver militant leadership, union
democracy, rank-and-file involvement, and political independence.
Since then, important reforms have been enacted, such as better representation
at discipline hearings, improved services, and fight-back campaigns-such
as stopping transit's attempt to close token booths through automation or
"downsizing." In addition, several hundred new shop stewards were
trained.
Simultaneously, however, organized support for Democratic politicians
has increased, not decreased. Local 100 endorsed Hillary Clinton for senator
and many other pro-Taylor Law Democrats. Clinton openly praised the Taylor
Law on the day the injunctions were levied, in December 1999!
Moreover, although New Directions ran on a platform of regular local-wide
meetings, there was only one in 2001 and none so far in 2002. A second is
planned for next month.
The first real test of the new leadership has taken place in the struggle
around the Private Lines bus lines contracts. In Westchester County, at
Liberty Lines, a one-day and then a two-day strike resulted in wage hikes
and other benefits in early 2001.
In January 2002, members at three private bus lines in Queens went on
strike for one day, and again for two days in February. On June 17, they
struck again, beginning a difficult 51-day strike. Though the strike itself
was solid, no mobilizations of the rest of Local 100 took place other than
a collection of $150,000 from members. The strike concluded with modest
4%, 4%, and 1% wage increases and an increase of over $3 million in health
benefits.
However, one major issue, that of job security, was left unresolved.
Local 100 Private Lines Vice-President George Jennings accused Toussaint
of selling out the strike. He called for his members to form their own TWU
local and led a walkout of hundreds of members at a contract meeting. Although
Jennings finally supported the contract, he faces charges within Local 100
that some see as an attack on free speech.
Local 100 members' expectations are at an all-time high. The local-wide
contract rallies, when properly organized, have been large. However, while
street rallies are an important part of the current level of mobilization,
job actions or possibly a strike may be necessary to win a good contract.
Careful strike preparation is necessary. Laws such as the Taylor Law
are designed by the rich and their politicians to keep workers down. The
unions must include a willingness to defy anti-labor laws, if necessary,
as part of their perspective if workers are to advance in this age of give-backs.
Socialist Action /November 2002 |