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DEARBORN, Mich.—Demoralization in labor’s
ranks would certainly be understandable. But there were no signs of
doldrums or defeatism among the more than a thousand labor activists
who came to a gathering in this Detroit suburb April 11-13 to discuss
and plan "rebuilding labor’s power."
This was the 14th biennial conference organized by the widely read and
respected monthly, Labor Notes. It was the biggest conference since
1997—a very different time of modest upsurge in American labor marked
by the victorious Teamster strike at UPS and a promising launch of the
Labor Party.
Reflecting the growing globalization of work, there were an impressive
number of participants from Latin America, Europe, Asia, and the Middle
East. Special attention was given to recent strikes and demonstrations
by workers in China.
A workshop was held on how to organize labor solidarity with Palestine,
and benefited from the experience of Canadian unionists in attendance
who have been involved with the boycott, divestment, and sanctions
campaign of Canadian Union of Public Employees-Ontario. Two workshops
were held by U.S. Labor Against War on how to talk about the war in
Iraq with coworkers and how to further USLAW's various campaigns.
During the lunch break on Saturday three bus loads of conference goers
joined UAW strikers on the picket line at a nearby American Axle plant.
As this article is written, 3700 Axle workers are in the eighth week of
their fight against the major auto parts supplier’s demand for 50
percent wage cuts. Axle is highly profitable but wants the same
concessions the UAW granted other suppliers, such as Delphi and Dana,
who used a bankruptcy scam. The strike forced numerous shutdowns of GM
assembly plants in three countries.
Most participants were looking to share their experiences and searching
for ideas about what to do next. There were many such suggestions in
the four plenary sessions and 110 workshops and interest meetings. Rail
workers from seven different craft unions chose this venue to formally
launch a new organization, Railroad Workers United, committed to
cross-craft solidarity against the carriers among often feuding rival
unions. There was also a well attended breakfast caucus meeting of the
Center for Labor Renewal.
Receptions were hosted by the Freightliner Five—UAW local union leaders
in Cleveland, North Carolina, first fired by their employer, then
physically barred from attending union meetings—and the 150,000-member
United Healthcare Workers West local in California.
A workshop on the rights of immigrant’s workers focused on a few
campaigns—a boycott of Kimberly Clark, the family business of
anti-immigrant politician James Sensenbrenner; resisting workplace
raids over "no-match" letters; a boycott of the Carlyle Group
and its Dunkin Donuts subsidiary over such raids; and especially
support for the May 1 immigrant workers demonstrations.
Similarly, a workshop on solidarity with victims of Hurricane Katrina
came up with ideas for nationally-coordinated campaigns. For the very
first time, there was a workshop dealing with labor and the
environment.
Six conference workshops and meetings were devoted to health care and
health-care workers. Health care is by far the most contentious issue
in collective bargaining today. Nearly a quarter of the working class
have no health insurance.
The California Nurses Association/National Nurse Organizing Committee,
and other nurse organizations, along with Physicians for a National
Health Program, used showings of Moore’s film "SiCKO" to
publicize the Canadian-style single-payer alternative, which they have
dubbed "Guaranteed Healthcare." More than 400 union bodies,
including a majority of state federations, have endorsed the single-payer
legislation designated HR676.
All in all, the Rebuilding Labor’s Power conference was a big success.
It demonstrated there is still an important layer of the labor movement
undaunted by the pattern of defeats and concessions. It was
informative, inspiring, and enhanced networking among class-struggle
fighters.
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